The Lived Experiences of College Students Overcoming Colorism: Perspectives from the Midwest

Theoretical Background-Critical Race Theory

Critical race theory suggests that racism is a pervasive component of social systems, power, and privilege. It also encourages researchers to examine phenomenon by understanding that racism survives and is perpetuated through often invisible systems and those within that system thus affecting the everyday life of individuals. Laurence, et al. [22] called for a greater use of critical race theory in qualitative research. Critical race theory is an appropriate framework to interpret how colorism functions in the lives of African American college students. Laurence, et al. [22] also call for a greater use of critical race theory in qualitative research. Critical race theory first suggests that racism is a pervasive component of social systems, power, and privilege. Critical race theory encourages researchers to examine phenomenon by understanding that racism survives and is perpetuated through often invisible systems and those within that system do affect the everyday life of individuals. Because skin tone is a component of the social construct of race, colorism can be examined through the same lens that critical race theory uses to examine race. Historically, skin tone has played a role in legal affairs for Blacks in the United States; however, by using critical race theory to examine modern day colorism, there can be a better understanding of colorism’s function in social and cultural affairs of the modern day African American experience [23].

Landor, et al. [24] outlined a theoretical framework to examine how historical (slavery, antebellum, and Black Power Movement) and contemporary (Colorblind era) have influenced skin tone trauma among African Americans. They argue that practitioners and researchers pay attention to racial trauma in addition to skin tone trauma among African Americans. They describe a stratification system where lighter skinned Blacks are afforded more privileges than darker skinned Blacks. This creates in-groups and out- groups. The in-group has advantages and the out-group is discriminated against. The authors suggest more work is needed among researchers and practitioners to address and understand the skin tone trauma that African Americans may have experienced by taking historical and contemporary factors into consideration.

Abrams, et al. [1] conducted a qualitative study on colorism with adolescent young girls ages 12-16 in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The authors chose to focus on this group because of the issues facing young women and colorism issues. The findings show that the following three primary themes emerged: skin tone and attractiveness (light as beautiful, dark as unattractive); skin tone and social standing and education level (i.e., dark skin as lower class, light skin as higher class); and skin tone and personality/behavior traits. Since this study was conducted on adolescents, more studies are needed that further emphasize the effect of colorism on the psychological well- being of young adults.

Since we know that colorism may have harmful effects on individuals, it is important to explore how this type of discrimination plays a role on well-being of young adults. Past literature on colorism has been primarily theoretical, quantitative, primarily focused on adolescents, health related and adult driven, and has not provided a clear picture of how it impacts the well-being of young (emerging) adults [4, 10, 11]. While previous research has taken steps towards uncovering various facets of colorism, this study aims to gain a rich qualitative perspective of life experiences with colorism and how they impact well-being in college students.

The current study purpose is three-fold: 1. Gather the voices of young African Americans attending college and document their lived experiences with Colorism and Skin tone bias:

2. Determine the psychological impact Colorism and Skin tone bias had on African Americans attending college; and

3. Determine whether there were gender differences in how Colorism and Skin tone bias impacted the lives of males and females.

Participants

African American/Black College Students This study consists of 14 participants who were young adults between the ages of 18 to 25 (Mean = 20.67) who identified as Black/African American during recruitment. All participants were undergraduate college students at a midsized university of approximately 15,000 students in a Midwest urban city. Seven percent of undergraduate students at this university identify as Black/African American [25]. Six participants self-rated their skin tone as “dark,” seven participants self-rated their skin tone as “medium,” and one participant self-rated their skin tone as “light.” There were nine female and five male participants. Table 2 represents the demographics of each participant in the study. All individuals were notified beforehand that they would be compensated for their participation with a $10 gift card to the University bookstore.

Positionality Statements

There are two authors for the current study. The first author is a full professor in the department of Psychology, first generation college student, identifies as a community psychologist, practitioner, and prevention scientist and is an African American woman with dark skin. The second author, who led the data collection and analysis, is “a queer dark skinned Black woman who was a community psychology Ph.D. student at the time of this research.” Both authors could relate to the study participants but may have had different interpretations of the data given the different experiences and dynamics within the family. It is important to recognize the different biases each author brings in interpreting the data. To address the biases the authors may have experienced, a debriefing session was held after each focus group.

Measures

Participants were asked to complete a brief survey with open-ended demographic questions regarding age, gender, and racial/ethnic identity. In an effort to gather information about self-identified skin complexion, the survey asked, “In terms of complexion, you have…?” to which participants could select “I have a very light skin complexion,” “I have a light skin complexion,” “I have a medium skin complexion,” “I have a dark skin complexion,” “I have a very dark skin complexion.” To assess participants’ satisfaction with skin tone, the survey stated “I am satisfied with my skin complexion” to which participants could respond “Yes,” “Usually,” “I feel indifferent,” “Not often,” or “No.” In order to assess well-being, researchers used the Satisfaction with Life Scale by Diener, et al. [26], which asked participants to what extent they agree with the following statements: “In most ways my life is close to my ideal;” “The conditions of my life are excellent;” “I am satisfied with my life;” “So far, I have gotten the important things I want in life;,” or “If I could live my life over, I would change almost nothing.” The Satisfaction with Life Scale questions could be answered with “7 - Strongly agree,” “6 – Agree,” “5 – Slightly agree,” “4 – Neither agree nor disagree,” “3 – Slightly disagree,” “2 – Disagree,” or “1 – Strongly disagree” [26]. Responses to the Satisfaction with Life Scale are as follows: “7-Strongly agree,” “6-Agree,” “5-Slightly agree,” “4-Neither agree nor disagree,” “3-Slightly disagree,” “2-Disagree, and “1-Strongly disagree” [26].

Protocol: Focus Groups

This study was designed to explore participants’ experiences with skin tone from when they first noticed skin tone in childhood up until the point of their participation in the focus group as young adults. The data collected was originally gathered by the researchers of this study. Semi-structured focus groups of two to five people were conducted in closed rooms at a university student center. One interview was conducted unintentionally due to recruited participants not showing up. Researchers isolated males and females into gender-specific groups. At the beginning of the focus groups, researchers read the consent form to the participants, which included this study’s operational definition of skin complexion. Colorism was defined to participants as “discrimination based on an individual’s skin complexion.” Participants were then asked to complete the demographic survey. Table 1 represents the open-ended questions that researchers asked participants in the focus groups.

When did you first notice skin complexion? Tell us about your own experiences in relation to skin complexion Growing up, did you feel that skin complexion affected your personal experiences positively or negatively? How do you believe that those experiences affect your experiences with skin complexion now? In the past, has your skin complexion affected the way you view yourself? In what ways? Do you believe that these past experiences affect how you view yourself now? Growing up, did you feel that others perceived you in a certain way or assumed things about you based on your skin complexion? How? If so, do you believe that it still impacts you today? Do you believe that skin complexion has played a significant role in your overall well-being? Psychological well-being? Growing up, did you believe that your skin complexion fit into society’s standard of what is attractive? Do you currently believe that your skin complexion fits into those standards? Do you believe that skin complexion has played a significant role in the opportunities and advancements that you have in your adult life? If so, in what ways? Do you feel you have ever been discriminated against in your adult life based on your skin complexion? If so, explain. Do you believe that discrimination based on skin complexion is an issue in society today? Do you believe that other individuals are treated differently based on their skin complexion? Do you believe that the media promotes a particular skin complexion as better/more attractive than other skin complexions with the Black community? Do you believe changes should be made regarding how people are treated based on skin complexion? If so, what changes should be made to make things better?

Thematic Analysis

All focus group responses were audio recorded and transcribed using Express Scribe. Thematic analysis was used to analyze this data. The purpose of thematic analysis is to find common themes. Step one of thematic analysis emphasizes becoming familiar with the data and recording patterns of common themes that are gleaned from the data [27].

When a common theme was observed by both researchers a tally was made for that theme. Step two of the analysis is to generate initial codes. The tallies noted in step one indicate each instance a theme was discussed by participants. For example, if a participant mentioned the same instance of mate selection bias twice, it was noted two separate times as “mate selection bias.” In step three, researchers search for themes in an effort to capture which experiences were brought up more often and, therefore, are presumably more impactful. Relevant themes are recorded in step four. Once the transcription was fully reviewed, researchers conducted thematic analysis and found that five themes emerged from discussion in the focus groups. Consistent themes were identified in each group between both of the authors. All themes were reviewed, modified for clarity, or developed based upon the number of mentions until consensus was reached. Pseudonyms were used to help protect participants’ identities. A total of 30 codes emerged from the focus groups of emerging adults and their lived experiences but were collapsed into five compelling themes.

Gender Matters

There were five instances discussed that emphasize the role of gender matters in skin tone dynamics. Participants talked about how skin tone creates different associations and perceptions based on an individual’s gender. Both female and male participants commonly expressed that regarding African American men, society associates dark skin with strength and masculinity while light skin is associated with emotional sensitivity and spending more time on one’s appearance. Many of the women discussed that throughout their lives they had constantly experienced both subtle and overt social reinforcers indicating that light skin is a positive characteristic for African American women and dark skin a negative characteristic. These perceptions were reinforced mainly by the media and comments from peers. A participant, Laura, discussed a conversation she had with her friends regarding how beautiful Nigerian men are. However, when Laura suggested that Nigerian women were also beautiful, her friends disagreed. Overwhelmingly, female participants expressed how gendered skin tone ideals were internalized in their youth and how they contributed to negative perceptions of self, more than for the male participants. A majority of the male participants did not express that these gendered skin tone ideals played a role in negative perceptions of self in youth or any other time in their lives. Participants’ discussion indicate that light skin seemed to play more of a positive social role for African American women than men. One participant, Marie, gets at the core of this when she says, “I think it’s almost more acceptable for a male to be dark-skinned than for a female.”

Mate Selection Bias

There were 16 mentions of mate selection bias in the discussion. This theme was the first to reach saturation and was the most salient theme throughout the study. Perceptions of skin tone appeared to contribute to perceptions of skin tone in a major way for mate selection for women, as the topic of mate selection was more prominent and vehement in female focus groups. Cheyenne began to discuss how skin tone bias in mate selection impacted her before researchers even posed the question. Female participants shared their beliefs that men, especially Black men, prefer to date Black women with light skin. Women shared experiences of overt discrimination by men in regard to mate selection as romantic interests explained that their rejection was due to their aversion to romantic involvement with a woman with dark skin. This experience was reported by women who both self-identified and did not self-identify as dark-skinned. A few female participants even began to anticipate rejection because of their dark skin tone. Laura, who identified as having dark skin explained that, as an adolescent, she felt the need to engage in physical work outs to keep her body in shape to compensate for her skin tone in order to be attractive. Raquel reveals an experience in her youth with a former crush that brought skin tone-based discrimination in mate selection to her attention:

I had a crush on him, and I talked to him, and I had one of my friends, you know, sixth grade, ask, you know, “Do you like her,” and he had said, “No, she’s too dark. I don’t date dark skinned girls,” and I was confused because I was like that – I had never heard that before….

Female participants did not report a pattern of skin tone preference regarding their own romantic interests. Although Raquel reported currently dating a man with light skin, she expressed her preference to date dark skinned men in order to go against the grain and not be what she referred to as a stereotypical female who “needs to date a light skinned guy.” Laura, a self-identifying dark-skinned female participant, began to cry as she reported that, in youth, she did not want a marital partner that was dark-skinned because she did not want children that were dark skinned for fear they too would experience the internalized hatred she felt growing up as a woman with dark skin. Kyrah discussed her perception that White women see light skin as “safe” in bringing home a Black male to meet their parents. Light skin as “safe” was mentioned in four other instances.

Males discussed mate selection in a different light. James said that skin tone did not matter to him when it came to mate selection. All male participants reported similarly that skin tone did not matter to them personally in terms of mate selection. However, a few expressed that they have a general perception that males prefer female romantic partners with light skin or that they have peers who do prefer light skinned females as romantic partners. Michael described his perception that Black men believe that it is adventurous to be intimately involved with Black women with dark skin, but Black women with light skin are perceived as safe to bring home to parents as a romantic partner. James describes his friends’ skin tone preferences when he stated, “…they would prefer a light skinned girl. Just being honest with you. That’s a preference.” When researchers asked male participants what skin tone they believe that women prefer in a romantic partner, one participant felt that women preferred men with light skin while another participant felt that women preferred men with dark skin. Other male participants either did not make a distinction as to a dominant skin tone they felt women preferred or they expressed that women’s skin tone preferences differ based on the individual.

Family Dynamics

There were seven instances in which family dynamics were mentioned. Family seemed to be an important institution through which skin tone was first realized for most participants. Participants shared their experiences with personal skin tone-based discrimination by family members as well as the diversity in skin tone that exists within their families and how these experiences shaped their perceptions about skin tone. Laura explained that, because her and her sister’s dark skin tone differed drastically from her other family members’ lighter skin tones, her and her sister felt like “…the odd one out.” Feelings of being “odd” compared to family based on skin tone were discussed explicitly by two additional participants. Another participant, Marie, discussed how her grandmother was upset with the fact that her father, who had dark skin, married her mother, who also had dark skin. Marie said knowing her grandmother’s negative feelings about her mother’s skin tone made her wonder if her own skin tone negatively impacted how her grandmother felt about her. Marie’s sister, Jordyn, identified as having dark skin and discussed how her grandmother would frequently comment that Marie was dark. Stories of family members commenting on skin tone were present in six other participants’ stories.

Four participants discussed how, as they were growing up, they noticed family members of different complexions receiving specific treatment. Jordyn talked about how her grandmother would give gifts to her sister and brother who were lighter than her but not give gifts to her. Another participant, Michael, talked about how it seemed that members who had darker skin were more accepted in his family. For many of these participants, negative attitudes towards skin tone were fostered within the family. However, some experienced the family as an institution that taught and reinforced positive messages about skin complexion. For example, one participant, Kyrah, who is adopted, explained how her mother, who is White, favored dark skin and fostered positive ideals about dark skin within their family. Cheyenne discussed that her father would make positive comments about dark skin and how, as a woman who described herself as having medium-brown skin, comments like that from her father fostered positive feelings about herself.

Media

There were seven instances where the media was mentioned. When the participants were asked about how the media influences perceptions of skin tone, they discussed how a lack of dark skin representation in the media sent the message that dark skin complexions are not valued. Participants with dark skin said there were rarely people on TV that looked like them. The Twitter hashtags #TeamLightSkin and #TeamDarkSkin were discussed as an issue that has influenced a divide in the Black community. These hashtags were discussed in every focus group. The hashtags were explained as creating a rivalry between those who identify with having light skin and those who have dark skin. A few participants found humor in the hashtags or commented on the them, stating they found the hashtag neither negative nor positive. Participants also discussed their perceptions of how skin tone influences what character roles are given to actresses and actors in television and movies. Participants Gabriel and Reina discussed how they felt that actors with lighter skin play more positive character roles with higher statuses while actors with darker skin play more negative roles as lower-class characters.

Some aspects of the discussion about skin tone and media were gendered. All five focus groups contained discussions about celebrity skin bleaching and skin lightening in the media. Celebrities like Lil Kim, Nicki Minaj, Rhianna, and Beyoncé were mentioned as examples of those who are manually lightened in public images or have been reported as using skin bleaching products. Cheyenne discussed that, if celebrities felt the need to bleach their skin, then the media definitely has promoted a particular skin tone as better or as more attractive. James discussed his perception of the reasons behind skin bleaching when he says, “…they [celebrities] want to be light skinned.  They want to be lighter and I believe that’s just to fit how the media wants to portray the ideal woman, the ideal girl.” Although no other mentions of gendered skin bleaching were as explicitly stated as in James’ quote, most of the celebrities discussed as undergoing skin lightening techniques were female. There was also a recognition of a recent positive change in media regarding skin complexion. There was general consensus that the images in the media were becoming more inclusive of various skin complexions through actresses such as Viola Davis and Lupita Nyong’o. Most participants, especially the women, openly expressed positive attitudes toward this change.

Resilience

The theme of resilience came up eight times. Although not all participants expressed having negative experiences and perceptions regarding their skin complexion, all participants who did report such experiences in their youth showed resiliency as they reached young adulthood. The following quote from Raquel gives a general idea of most participants’ transition to resiliency:

…I was so ashamed of how dark I was until like I said like probably about sophomore year [of high school] and then it clicked like this, this is how you were born. It’s not gonna change. You’re beautiful regardless of if you’re pitch black or super pale or, uhm, it doesn’t matter, and that’s when it hit me kind of like a train. I was like I’m cute. Participants revealed that their resiliency occurred through education, maturity, and self-realization.

Major Contributions

The major contributions of this study are the sample and the lifespan perspective. The sample in this study was from a predominantly white institution (PWI) in the Midwest; however, our participants came from diverse regional backgrounds. The research questions of this study are unique in that they explore impactful experiences with colorism throughout the lifespan up until young adulthood. Research findings are particularly important for future scholars who plan to conduct research with individuals at PWIs or in the Midwest. Future scholars are encouraged to explore the key contributors to participants’ experiences of colorism mentioned in this study as well as implications of resiliency to further explore how to deter discrimination and best promote well-being.

Implications for Intervention

Although all participants showed resiliency by young adulthood (emerging), experiences of colorism still acted as a source when recalled while in college. Interventions should be implemented to deter these negative effects. Future interventions should aim to prevent these negative effects by working through the main institutions that engender colorism: the family and the media. Because the institution of family plays a strong role in colorism, families should be encouraged to actively discuss experiences of colorism with their children before young adulthood and use language that promotes diverse skin tones in a positive light throughout their child’s lifetime. Practitioners who work with African American women in young adulthood should consider colorism when assessing discrimination as skin tone acts as an important source of psychological distress and dissatisfaction with self that may not be detected in assessing racial discrimination. The media also has a significant role to play in colorism intervention. This research promotes the importance of diverse skin tone representation in media. Those in media should expand their representation of African Americans in media to include skin tone. There should be active awareness in the skin tone of those chosen for particular roles as diverse skin tones need to be represented in positive roles in order to dispel colorism.

Future colorism researchers must recognize that young adults may already show resiliency through satisfaction for their skin tone in emerging adulthood; however, experiences of colorism act as painful memories in this developmental stage. The In-Group Colorism Scale (ICS) will be an important tool to examine explicit and implicit regard towards skin tone in future studies [43]. Scholars should continue research on how to successfully address and decimate colorism through media and the family as well as discover what factors contribute to resilience in young adulthood. There is a need for further inquiry regarding whether resiliency during this time period is a product of maturation or the product of a shift in skin tone inclusion within the social environment [44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51].